The former US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas many second-in-commands had to settle for peripheral or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush resented this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of governmental choices.
A Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a faction of conservative hawks that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the downing of any non-communicating planes heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on faulty information echoed by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith at the time and I believe it presently."
However during that period, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had written a memo outlining circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (including "obtaining crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be positioned to operate alone when joint efforts prove impossible," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his parent's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken advocating invading Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were either weak or totally inaccurate. He supported what the Bush government indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the employment of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no valuable data had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and create initiatives to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen emerge from his hole? This represents a nice way to function, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his period at the corporation increased from his previous salary while military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package totaling over $20m|twenty
